Philip II’s son Alexander the Great, leading a federation of Greek states, accomplished his father’s objective of commanding the whole of Greece when he destroyed Thebes after
the city revolted.
 War broke out with Athens in 340 BC while Philip II was engaged in two ultimately unsuccessful sieges of Perinthus and Byzantion, followed by a successful campaign against
the Scythians along the Danube and Macedonia’s involvement in the Fourth Sacred War against Amphissa in 339 BC.
 The members of the League of Corinth revolted at the news of Philip II’s death, but were soon quelled by military force alongside persuasive diplomacy, electing Alexander
as hegemon of the league to carry out the planned invasion of Achaemenid Persia.
[note 6] Philip II then involved Macedonia in the Third Sacred War (356–346 BC).
 Amyntas III was also nearly overthrown by the forces of the Chalcidian city of Olynthos, but with the aid of Teleutias, brother of the Spartan king Agesilaus II, the
Macedonians forced Olynthos to surrender and dissolve their Chalcidian League in 379 BC.
Alexander’s empire and his route Modern scholars have argued over the possible role of Alexander III “the Great” and his mother Olympias in the assassination of Philip II,
noting the latter’s choice to exclude Alexander from his planned invasion of Asia, choosing instead for him to act as regent of Greece and deputy hegemon of the League of Corinth, and the potential bearing of another male heir between Philip
II and his new wife, Cleopatra Eurydice.
 By the end of his reign and military career in 323 BC, Alexander would rule over an empire consisting of mainland Greece, Asia Minor, the Levant, ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia,
Persia, and much of Central and South Asia (i.e.
After Alexander’s death in 323 BC, the ensuing wars of the Diadochi, and the partitioning of Alexander’s short-lived empire, Macedonia remained a Greek cultural and political
center in the Mediterranean region along with Ptolemaic Egypt, the Seleucid Empire, and the Kingdom of Pergamon.
 His successor Perdiccas II (r. 454–413 BC) led the Macedonians to war in four separate conflicts against Athens, leader of the Delian League, while incursions by the
Thracian ruler Sitalces of the Odrysian kingdom threatened Macedonia’s territorial integrity in the northeast.
 Except for the Euboeans and Boeotians, the Greeks also immediately rose up in a rebellion against Antipater known as the Lamian War (323–322 BC).
Map of the Kingdom of Macedon at the death of Philip II in 336 BC (light blue), with the original territory that existed in 431 BC (red outline), and dependent states (yellow)
Philip II was twenty-four years old when he acceded to the throne in 359 BC.
A short-lived revival of the monarchy during the Fourth Macedonian War in 150–148 BC ended with the establishment of the Roman province of Macedonia.
 While Athens was preoccupied with the Social War (357–355 BC), Philip II retook Amphipolis from them in 357 BC and the following year recaptured Pydna and Potidaea, the
latter of which he handed over to the Chalcidian League as promised in a treaty.
 Antipater defeated the rebellion, yet his death in 319 BC left a power vacuum wherein the two proclaimed kings of Macedonia became pawns in a power struggle between
the diadochi, the former generals of Alexander’s army.
 The Thessalians, desiring to remove both Alexander II and Alexander of Pherae as their overlords, appealed to Pelopidas of Thebes for aid; he succeeded in recapturing
Larissa and, in the peace agreement arranged with Macedonia, received aristocratic hostages including Alexander II’s brother and future king Philip II (r. 359–336 BC).
At the end of the Third Macedonian War in 168 BC, the Macedonian monarchy was abolished and replaced by Roman client states.
 Alexander I provided Macedonian military support to Xerxes I (r. 486–465 BC) during the Second Persian invasion of Greece in 480–479 BC, and Macedonian soldiers fought
on the side of the Persians at the 479 BC Battle of Platea.
 After the Macedonian victory at Chaeronea, Philip II installed an oligarchy in Thebes, yet was lenient toward Athens, wishing to utilize their navy in a planned invasion
of the Achaemenid Empire.
Before the 4th century BC, Macedonia was a small kingdom outside of the area dominated by the great city-states of Athens, Sparta and Thebes, and briefly subordinate to Achaemenid
 Alexander II (r. 370–368 BC), son of Eurydice I and Amyntas III, succeeded his father and immediately invaded Thessaly to wage war against the tagus (supreme Thessalian
military leader) Alexander of Pherae, capturing the city of Larissa.
 Philip’s plan to punish the Persians for the suffering of the Greeks and to liberate the Greek cities of Asia Minor as well as perhaps the panhellenic fear of another
Persian invasion of Greece, contributed to his decision to invade the Achaemenid Empire.
 Despite an Athenian intervention by Charidemus, Olynthos was captured by Philip II in 348 BC, and its inhabitants were sold into slavery, including some Athenian
 Antipater’s hegemony was somewhat unpopular in Greece due to his practice (perhaps by order of Alexander) of exiling malcontents and garrisoning cities with Macedonian
troops, yet in 330 BC, Alexander declared that the tyrannies installed in Greece were to be abolished and Greek freedom was to be restored.
This marriage would bear a son who would later rule as Alexander III (better known as Alexander the Great) and claim descent from the legendary Achilles by way of his dynastic
heritage from Epirus.
 After campaigning against the Thracian ruler Cersobleptes, in 349 BC, Philip II began his war against the Chalcidian League, which had been reestablished in 375 BC following
a temporary disbandment.
 A year after Darius I of Persia (r. 522–486 BC) launched an invasion into Europe against the Scythians, Paeonians, Thracians, and several Greek city-states of the Balkans,
the Persian general Megabazus used diplomacy to convince Amyntas I to submit as a vassal of the Achaemenid Empire, ushering in the period of Achaemenid Macedonia.
 In 424 BC, Arrhabaeus, a local ruler of Lynkestis in Upper Macedonia, rebelled against his overlord Perdiccas, and the Spartans agreed to help in putting down the revolt.
 Involvement in the Classical Greek world Further information: Delian League, Spartan hegemony, and Theban hegemony Macedon (orange) during the Peloponnesian War around
431 BC, with Athens and the Delian League (yellow), Sparta and Peloponnesian League (red), independent states (blue), and the Persian Achaemenid Empire (purple) Although initially a Persian vassal, Alexander I of Macedon fostered friendly
diplomatic relations with his former Greek enemies, the Athenian and Spartan-led coalition of Greek city-states.
[note 4] The pretender to the throne Argaeus ruled in his absence, yet Amyntas III eventually returned to his kingdom with the aid of Thessalian allies.
 After breaching the walls, Alexander’s forces killed 6,000 Thebans, took 30,000 inhabitants as prisoners of war, and burned the city to the ground as a warning that convinced
all other Greek states except Sparta not to challenge Alexander again.
 Following the 418 BC Battle of Mantinea, the victorious Spartans formed an alliance with Argos, a military pact Perdiccas II was keen to join given the threat of Spartan
allies remaining in Chalcidice.
 Over the next few years, Philip II reformed local governments in Thessaly, campaigned against the Illyrian ruler Pleuratus I, deposed Arybbas in Epirus in favor of his
brother-in-law Alexander I (through Philip II’s marriage to Olympias), and defeated Cersebleptes in Thrace.
 Kingdoms of the diadochi c. 301 BC, after the Battle of Ipsus A golden stater of Philip III Arrhidaeus (r. 323–317 BC) bearing images of Athena (left) and Nike (right)
When Alexander the Great died at Babylon in 323 BC, his mother Olympias immediately accused Antipater and his faction of poisoning him, although there is no evidence to confirm this.
Unlike the other diadochi successor states, the imperial cult fostered by Alexander was never adopted in Macedonia, yet Macedonian rulers nevertheless assumed roles as high
priests of the kingdom and leading patrons of domestic and international cults of the Hellenistic religion.
 Philip II had some early involvement with the Achaemenid Empire, especially by supporting satraps and mercenaries who rebelled against the central authority of the Achaemenid
 Philip II had Archelaus put to death in 359 BC, while Philip II’s other two half brothers fled to Olynthos, serving as a casus belli for the Olynthian War (349–348 BC)
against the Chalcidian League.
 A silver stater of Amyntas III of Macedon (r. 393–370 BC) Amyntas III was forced to flee his kingdom in either 393 or 383 BC (based on conflicting accounts), owing to
a massive invasion by the Illyrian Dardani led by Bardylis.
 Meanwhile, in Greece, the Spartan king Agis III attempted to lead a rebellion of the Greeks against Macedonia.
 Very little is known about this turbulent period; it came to an end when Amyntas III (r. 393–370 BC), son of Arrhidaeus and grandson of Amyntas I, killed Pausanias and
claimed the Macedonian throne.
 Confusing accounts in ancient sources have led modern scholars to debate how much Philip II’s royal predecessors may have contributed to these reforms and the extent
to which his ideas were influenced by his adolescent years of captivity in Thebes as a political hostage during the Theban hegemony, especially after meeting with the general Epaminondas.
 Perdiccas II sued for peace in 414 BC, forming an alliance with Athens that was continued by his son and successor Archelaus I (r. 413–399 BC).
 Thus, two separate wars were fought against Athens between 433 and 431 BC.
 The Athenian statesman Pericles promoted colonization of the Strymon River near the Kingdom of Macedonia, where the colonial city of Amphipolis was founded in 437/436
BC so that it could provide Athens with a steady supply of silver and gold as well as timber and pitch to support the Athenian navy.
[note 7] Philip II in turn defeated Onomarchus in 352 BC at the Battle of Crocus Field, which led to Philip II’s election as leader (archon) of the Thessalian League, provided
him a seat on the Amphictyonic Council, and allowed for a marriage alliance with Pherae by wedding Nicesipolis, niece of the tyrant Jason of Pherae.
 Although Archelaus I was faced with some internal revolts and had to fend off an invasion of Illyrians led by Sirras of Lynkestis, he was able to project Macedonian power
into Thessaly where he sent military aid to his allies.
 It is unclear whether or not the Achaemenid Persian kings influenced Philip II’s practice of polygamy, although his predecessor Amyntas III had three sons with a possible
second wife Gygaea: Archelaus, Arrhidaeus, and Menelaus.
 The assertion that the Argeads descended from Temenus was accepted by the Hellanodikai authorities of the Ancient Olympic Games, permitting Alexander I of Macedon (r.
498–454 BC) to enter the competitions owing to his perceived Greek heritage.
Despite the Kingdom of Macedonia’s official exclusion from the league, in 337 BC, Philip II was elected as the leader (hegemon) of its council (synedrion) and the commander-in-chief
(strategos autokrator) of a forthcoming campaign to invade the Achaemenid Empire.
 While utilizing effective propaganda such as the cutting of the Gordian Knot, he also attempted to portray himself as a living god and son of Zeus following his visit
to the oracle at Siwah in the Libyan Desert (in modern-day Egypt) in 331 BC.
 At the 326 BC Battle of the Hydaspes (modern-day Punjab), when the war elephants of King Porus of the Pauravas threatened Alexander’s troops, he had them form open ranks
to surround the elephants and dislodge their handlers by using their sarissa pikes.
 Following the Greek victory at Salamis in 480 BC, Alexander I was employed as an Achaemenid diplomat to propose a peace treaty and alliance with Athens, an offer that
[note 8] Alexander III (r. 336–323 BC) was immediately proclaimed king by an assembly of the army and leading aristocrats, chief among them being Antipater and Parmenion.
 When his Macedonian troops threatened mutiny in 324 BC at Opis, Babylonia (near modern Baghdad, Iraq), Alexander offered Macedonian military titles and greater responsibilities
to Persian officers and units instead, forcing his troops to seek forgiveness at a staged banquet of reconciliation between Persians and Macedonians.
 Philip II spent his initial years radically transforming the Macedonian army.
 Shortly thereafter, the Illyrian king Cleitus of the Dardani threatened to attack Macedonia, but Alexander took the initiative and besieged the Dardani at Pelion (in
The satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia Artabazos II, who was in rebellion against Artaxerxes III, was able to take refuge as an exile at the Macedonian court from 352 to 342
 With no official heir apparent, the Macedonian military command split, with one side proclaiming Alexander’s half-brother Philip III Arrhidaeus (r. 323–317 BC) as king
and the other siding with the infant son of Alexander and Roxana, Alexander IV (r. 323–309 BC).
The Macedonian kings, who wielded absolute power and commanded state resources such as gold and silver, facilitated mining operations to mint currency, finance their armies
and, by the reign of Philip II, a Macedonian navy.
 When Alexander had Parmenion murdered at Ecbatana (near modern Hamadan, Iran) in 330 BC, this was “symptomatic of the growing gulf between the king’s interests and those
of his country and people”, according to Errington.
 The Athenians, especially in a series of speeches by Demosthenes known as the Olynthiacs, were unsuccessful in persuading their allies to counterattack and in 346 BC
concluded a treaty with Macedonia known as the Peace of Philocrates.
 The treaty stipulated that Athens would relinquish claims to Macedonian coastal territories, the Chalcidice, and Amphipolis in return for the release of the enslaved
Athenians as well as guarantees that Philip II would not attack Athenian settlements in the Thracian Chersonese.
 Alexander led the cavalry charge at the Battle of Issus in 333 BC, forcing the Persian king Darius III and his army to flee.
 To establish an alliance with Larissa in Thessaly, he married the Thessalian noblewoman Philinna in 358 BC, who bore him a son who would later rule as Philip III Arrhidaeus
(r. 323–317 BC).
 History Early history and legend Main articles: Achaemenid Macedonia and Argead dynasty Further information: List of ancient Macedonians § Kings The entrance to one of
the royal tombs at Vergina, a UNESCO World Heritage Site The Classical Greek historians Herodotus and Thucydides reported the legend that the Macedonian kings of the Argead dynasty were descendants of Temenus, king of Argos, and could therefore
claim the mythical Heracles as one of their ancestors as well as a direct lineage from Zeus, chief god of the Greek pantheon.
With a reformed army containing phalanxes wielding the sarissa pike, Philip II defeated the old powers of Athens and Thebes in the Battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC.
 Macedonia’s decline began with the Macedonian Wars and the rise of Rome as the leading Mediterranean power.
 Little is known about the kingdom before the reign of Alexander I’s father Amyntas I of Macedon (r. 547–498 BC) during the Archaic period.
 The Persians offered aid to Perinthus and Byzantion in 341–340 BC, highlighting Macedonia’s strategic need to secure Thrace and the Aegean Sea against increasing Achaemenid
encroachment, as the Persian king Artaxerxes III further consolidated his control over satrapies in western Anatolia.
 Darius III, despite having superior numbers, was again forced to flee the Battle of Gaugamela in 331 BC.
It began when Phocis captured and plundered the temple of Apollo at Delphi instead of submitting unpaid fines, causing the Amphictyonic League to declare war on Phocis and
a civil war among the members of the Thessalian League aligned with either Phocis or Thebes.
Right, the ruins of the Philippeion at Olympia, Greece, which was built by Philip II of Macedon to celebrate his victory at the Battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC.
[‘Engels 2010, p. 89; Borza 1995, p. 114; Eugene N. Borza writes that the “highlanders” or “Makedones” of the mountainous regions of western Macedonia are derived from northwest Greek stock; they were akin to those who at an earlier time may have migrated
south to become the historical “Dorians”.
2. ^ Lewis & Boardman 1994, pp. 723–724, see also Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 105–108 for the Macedonian expulsion of original inhabitants such as the Phrygians.
3. ^ Olbrycht 2010, pp. 342–343; Sprawski 2010,
pp. 131, 134; Errington 1990, pp. 8–9.
Errington is skeptical that at this point Amyntas I of Macedon offered any submission as a vassal at all, at most a token one. He also mentions how the Macedonian king pursued his own course of action, such
as inviting the exiled Athenian tyrant Hippias to take refuge at Anthemous in 506 BC.
4. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 158–159; see also Errington 1990, p. 30 for further details; the Greek historian Diodorus Siculus provided a seemingly conflicting account
about Illyrian invasions occurring in 393 BC and 383 BC, which may have been representative of a single invasion led by Bardylis of the Dardani.
5. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 169–170, 179.
Müller is skeptical about the claims of Plutarch and Athenaeus
that Philip II of Macedon married Cleopatra Eurydice of Macedon, a younger woman, purely out of love or due to his own midlife crisis. Cleopatra was the daughter of the general Attalus, who along with his father-in-law Parmenion were given command
posts in Asia Minor (modern Turkey) soon after this wedding. Müller also suspects that this marriage was one of political convenience meant to ensure the loyalty of an influential Macedonian noble house.
6. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 171–172; Buckler 1989,
pp. 63, 176–181; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 185–187.
Cawkwell contrarily provides the date of this siege as 354–353 BC.
7. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 172–173; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 60, 185; Hornblower 2002, p. 272; Buckler 1989, pp. 63–64, 176–181.
provides the date of this initial campaign as 354 BC, while affirming that the second Thessalian campaign ending in the Battle of Crocus Field occurred in 353 BC.
8. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 189–190; Müller 2010, p. 183.
Alexander III of Macedon as a potential suspect in the plot to assassinate Philip II of Macedon, N. G. L. Hammond and F. W. Walbank discuss possible Macedonian as well as foreign suspects, such as Demosthenes and Darius III: Hammond & Walbank 2001,
9. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 199–200; Errington 1990, pp. 44, 93.
Gilley and Worthington discuss the ambiguity surrounding the exact title of Antipater aside from deputy hegemon of the League of Corinth, with some sources calling
him a regent, others a governor, others a simple general.
N. G. L. Hammond and F. W. Walbank state that Alexander the Great left “Macedonia under the command of Antipater, in case there was a rising in Greece.” Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 32.
Adams 2010, p. 219; Bringmann 2007, p. 61; Errington 1990, p. 155.
Conversely, Errington dates Lysimachus’ reunification of Macedonia by expelling Pyrrhus of Epirus as occurring in 284 BC, not 286 BC.
11. ^ Eckstein 2010, pp. 229–230; see also
Errington 1990, pp. 186–189 for further details.
Errington is skeptical that Philip V at this point had any intentions of invading southern Italy via Illyria once the latter was secured, deeming his plans to be “more modest”, Errington 1990, p. 189.
Bringmann 2007, pp. 86–87.
Errington 1990, pp. 202–203: “Roman desire for revenge and private hopes of famous victories were probably the decisive reasons for the outbreak of the war.”
13. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 93–97; Eckstein 2010, p. 239; Errington
1990, pp. 207–208.
Bringmann dates this event of handing over Aenus and Maronea along the Thracian coast as 183 BC, while Eckstein dates it as 184 BC.
14. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 98–99; see also Eckstein 2010, p. 242, who says that “Rome … as the
sole remaining superpower … would not accept Macedonia as a peer competitor or equal.”
Klaus Bringmann asserts that negotiations with Macedonia were completely ignored due to Rome’s “political calculation” that the Macedonian kingdom had to be
destroyed to ensure the elimination of the “supposed source of all the difficulties which Rome was having in the Greek world”.
15. ^ Written evidence about Macedonian governmental institutions made before Philip II of Macedon’s reign is both rare
and non-Macedonian in origin. The main sources of early Macedonian historiography are the works of Herodotus, Thucydides, Diodorus Siculus, and Justin. Contemporary accounts given by those such as Demosthenes were often hostile and unreliable; even
Aristotle, who lived in Macedonia, provides us with terse accounts of its governing institutions. Polybius was a contemporary historian who wrote about Macedonia; later historians include Livy, Quintus Curtius Rufus, Plutarch, and Arrian. The works
of these historians affirm Macedonia’s hereditary monarchy and basic institutions, yet it remains unclear if there was an established constitution for Macedonian government. See: King 2010, pp. 373–374.
However, N. G. L. Hammond and F. W. Walbank
write with apparent certainty and conviction when describing the Macedonian constitutional government restricting the king and involving a popular assembly of the army. See: Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 12–13.
The main textual primary sources for
the organization of Macedonia’s military as it existed under Alexander the Great include Arrian, Curtis, Diodorus, and Plutarch; modern historians rely mostly on Polybius and Livy for understanding detailed aspects of the Antigonid-period military.
On this, Sekunda 2010, pp. 446–447 writes: “… to this we can add the evidence provided by two magnificent archaeological monuments, the ‘Alexander Sarcophagus’ in particular and the ‘Alexander Mosaic’… In the case of the Antigonid army …
valuable additional details are occasionally supplied by Diodorus and Plutarch, and by a series of inscriptions preserving sections of two sets of army regulations issued by Philip V.”
16. ^ King 2010, p. 374; for an argument about the absolutism
of the Macedonian monarchy, see Errington 1990, pp. 220–222.
However, N. G. L. Hammond and F. W. Walbank write with apparent certainty and conviction when describing the Macedonian constitutional government restricting the king and involving a popular
assembly of the army. Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 12–13.
17. ^ King 2010, p. 375.
In 1931 Friedrich Granier was the first to propose that by the time of Philip II’s reign, Macedonia had a constitutional government with laws that delegated rights
and customary privileges to certain groups, especially to its citizen soldiers, although the majority of evidence for the army’s alleged right to appoint a new king and judge cases of treason stems from the reign of Alexander III of Macedon. See
Granier 1931, pp. 4–28, 48–57 and King 2010, pp. 374–375.
Pietro de Francisci was the first to refute Granier’s ideas and advance the theory that the Macedonian government was an autocracy ruled by the whim of the monarch, although this issue of
kingship and governance is still unresolved in academia. See: de Francisci 1948, pp. 345–435 as well as King 2010, p. 375 and Errington 1990, p. 220 for further details.
18. ^ King 2010, p. 379; Errington 1990, p. 221; early evidence for this includes
not only Alexander I’s role as a commander in the Greco-Persian Wars but also the city-state of Potidaea’s acceptance of Perdiccas II of Macedon as their commander-in-chief during their rebellion against the Delian League of Athens in 432 BC.
Sawada 2010, pp. 403–405.
According to Carol J. King, there was no “certain reference” to this institutional group until the military campaigns of Alexander the Great in Asia.King 2010, pp. 380–381.
However, N. G. L. Hammond and F. W. Walbank state
that the royal pages are attested to as far back as the reign of Archelaus I of Macedon. Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 13.
20. ^ King 2010, p. 382.
The ranks of the companions were greatly increased during the reign of Philip II when he expanded this
institution to include Upper Macedonian aristocrats as well as Greeks. See: Sawada 2010, p. 404.
21. ^ King 2010, p. 384: the first recorded instance dates to 359 BC, when Philip II called together assemblies to address them with a speech and raise
their morale following the death of Perdiccas III of Macedon in battle against the Illyrians.
22. ^ For instance, when Perdiccas had Philip II’s daughter Cynane murdered to prevent her own daughter Eurydice II of Macedon from marrying Philip III
of Macedon, the army revolted and ensured that the marriage took place. See Adams 2010, p. 210 and Errington 1990, pp. 119–120 for details.
23. ^ King 2010, p. 390.
Although these were highly influential members of local and regional government,
Carol J. King asserts that they were not collectively powerful enough to formally challenge the authority of the Macedonian king or his right to rule.
24. ^ Amemiya 2007, pp. 11–12: under Antipater’s oligarchy, the lower value in terms of property
for acceptable members of the oligarchy was 2,000 drachma. Athenian democracy was restored briefly after Antipater’s death in 319 BC, yet his son Cassander reconquered the city, which came under the regency of Demetrius of Phalerum. Demetrius lowered
the property limit for oligarchic members to 1,000 drachma, yet by 307 BC he was exiled from the city and direct democracy was restored. Demetrius I of Macedon reconquered Athens in 295 BC, yet democracy was once again restored in 287 BC with the
aid of Ptolemy I of Egypt. Antigonus II Gonatas, son of Demetrius I, reconquered Athens in 260 BC, followed by a succession of Macedonian kings ruling over Athens until the Roman Republic conquered both Macedonia and then mainland Greece by 146 BC.
Unlike the sparse Macedonian examples, ample textual evidence of this exists for the Achaean League, Acarnanian League, and Achaean League; see Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 366–367.
26. ^ According to Sekunda, Philip II’s infantry were eventually equipped
with heavier armor such as cuirasses, since the Third Philippic of Demosthenes in 341 BC described them as hoplites instead of lighter peltasts: Sekunda 2010, pp. 449–450; see also Errington 1990, p. 238 for further details.
However, Errington argues
that breastplates were not worn by the phalanx pikemen of either Philip II or Philip V’s reigns (during which sufficient evidence exists). Instead, he claims that breastplates were worn only by military officers, while pikemen wore the kotthybos
stomach bands along with their helmets and greaves, wielding a daggers as secondary weapons along with their shields. See Errington 1990, p. 241.
27. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 455–456.
Errington 1990, p. 245: in regards to both the argyraspides and chalkaspides,
“these titles were probably not functional, perhaps not even official.”
28. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 455–457.
However, in discussing the discrepancies among ancient historians about the size of Alexander the Great’s army, N. G. L. Hammond and F. W.
Walbank choose Diodorus Siculus’ figure of 32,000 infantry as the most reliable, while disagreeing with his figure for cavalry at 4,500, asserting it was closer to 5,100 horsemen. Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 22–23.
29. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 459; Errington
1990, p. 245: “Other developments in Macedonian army organization are evident after Alexander. One is the evolution of the hypaspistai from an elite unit to a form of military police or bodyguard under Philip V; the only thing the two functions had
in common was the particular closeness to the king.”
30. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 460–461; for the evolution of Macedonian military titles, such as its command by tetrarchai officers assisted by grammateis (i.e. secretaries or clerks), see Errington
1990, pp. 242–243.
31. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 461–462;
Errington 1990, p. 245: “The other development, which happened at the latest under Doson, was the formation and training of a special unit of peltastai separate from the phalanx. This unit operated
as a form of royal guard similar in function to the earlier hypaspistai.”
32. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 463; the largest figure for elite Macedonian peltasts mentioned by ancient historians was 5,000 troops, an amount that existed in the Social War (220–217
33. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, p. 44; Woodard 2010, p. 9; see also Austin 2006, p. 4 for further details.
Edward M. Anson contends that the native spoken language of the Macedonians was a dialect of Greek and that in the roughly 6,300 Macedonian-period
inscriptions discovered by archaeologists about 99% were written in the Greek language, using the Greek alphabet. Anson 2010, p. 17, n. 57, n. 58.
34. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, p. 44; Engels 2010, pp. 94–95; Woodard 2010, pp. 9–10.
pp. 43–45 states that the native language of the ancient Macedonians as preserved in the rare documents written in a language other than Koine Greek also betray a slight phonetic influence from the languages of the original inhabitants of the region
who were assimilated or expelled by the invading Macedonians; Hatzopoulos also asserts that little is known about these languages aside from Phrygian spoken by the Bryges who migrated to Anatolia.
Errington 1990, pp. 3–4 affirms that the Macedonian
language was merely a dialect of Greek that used loanwords from Thracian and Illyrian languages, which “does not surprise modern philologists” but ultimately provided Macedonia’s political enemies with the “proof” they needed to level the charge
that Macedonians were not Greek.
35. ^ Woodard 2004, pp. 12–14; Hamp, Eric; Adams, Douglas (2013). “The Expansion of the Indo-European Languages Archived 2014-02-22 at the Wayback Machine”, Sino-Platonic Papers, vol 239. Accessed 16 January 2017.
2001: “Ancient Greek is generally taken to be the only representative (though note the existence of different dialects) of the Greek or Hellenic branch of Indo-European. There is some dispute as to whether Ancient Macedonian (the native language of
Philip and Alexander), if it has any special affinity to Greek at all, is a dialect within Greek (see below) or a sibling language to all the known Ancient Greek dialects. If the latter view is correct, then Macedonian and Greek would be the two subbranches
of a group within Indo-European which could more properly be called Hellenic.”
Georgiev 1966, pp. 285–297: ancient Macedonian is closely related to Greek, and Macedonian and Greek are descended from a common Greek-Macedonian idiom that was spoken
till about the second half of the 3rd millennium BC.
36. ^ For instance, Cleopatra VII Philopator, the last active ruler of the Ptolemaic dynasty in Egypt, spoke Koine Greek as a first language and by her reign (51–30 BC) or some time before it
the Macedonian language was no longer used. See Jones 2006, pp. 33–34.
37. ^ Sansone 2017, p. 224; Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 6.
Rosella Lorenzi (10 October 2014). “Remains of Alexander the Great’s Father Confirmed Found: King Philip II’s bones
are buried in a tomb along with a mysterious woman-warrior Archived 2017-01-18 at the Wayback Machine.” Seeker. Retrieved 17 January 2017.
38. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, pp. 47–48; for a specific example of land reclamation near Amphipolis during the
reign of Alexander the Great, see Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 31.
39. ^ This metaphorical connection between warfare, hunting, and aggressive masculine sexuality seems to be affirmed by later Byzantine literature, particularly in the Acritic songs
about Digenes Akritas. See Cohen 2010, pp. 13–34 for details.
40. ^ The actor Athenodorus performed despite risking a fine for being absent from the simultaneous Dionysia festival of Athens where he was scheduled to perform (a fine that his patron
Alexander agreed to pay). SeeWorthington 2014, pp. 185–186 for details.
41. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, p. 59; Sansone 2017, p. 223; Roisman 2010, p. 157.
Although Archelaus I of Macedon was criticized by the philosopher Plato, supposedly hated by Socrates,
and the first known Macedonian king to be given the label of barbarian, the historian Thucydides held the Macedonian king in glowing admiration, especially for his engagement in Panhellenic sports and fostering of literary culture. See Hatzopoulos
2011b, p. 59.
42. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 224–225.
For Marsyas of Pella, see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 27 for further details.
43. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 69–71.
Hatzopoulos stresses the fact that Macedonians and other peoples such as the
Epirotes and Cypriots, despite speaking a Greek dialect, worshiping in Greek cults, engaging in Panhellenic games, and upholding traditional Greek institutions, nevertheless occasionally had their territories excluded from contemporary geographic
definitions of “Hellas” and were even considered barbarians by some. See: Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 52, 71–72; Johannes Engels comes to a similar conclusion about the comparison between Macedonians and Epirotes, saying that the “Greekness” of the Epirotes,
despite them not being considered as refined as southern Greeks, never came into question. Engels suggests this perhaps because the Epirotes did not try to dominate the Greek world as Philip II of Macedon had done. See: Engels 2010, pp. 83–84.
Errington 1990, pp. 3–4.
Errington 1994, p. 4: “Ancient allegations that the Macedonians were non-Greek all had their origin in Athens at the time of the struggle with Philip II. Then as now, political struggle created the prejudice. The orator Aeschines
once even found it necessary, to counteract the prejudice vigorously fomented by his opponents, to defend Philip on this issue and describe him at a meeting of the Athenian Popular Assembly as being ‘entirely Greek’. Demosthenes’ allegations were
lent an appearance of credibility by the fact, apparent to every observer, that the life-style of the Macedonians, being determined by specific geographical and historical conditions, was different to that of a Greek city-state. This alien way of
life was, however, common to western Greeks of Epirus, Akarnania and Aitolia, as well as to the Macedonians, and their fundamental Greek nationality was never doubted. Only as a consequence of the political disagreement with Macedonia was the issue
raised at all.”
45. ^ Champion 2004, p. 41: “Demosthenes could drop the barbarian category altogether in advocating an Athenian alliance with the Great King against a power that ranked below any so-called barbarian people, the Macedonians. In the
case of Aeschines, Philip II could be ‘a barbarian due for the vengeance of God’, but after the orator’s embassy to Pella in 346, he became a ‘thorough Greek’, devoted to Athens. It all depended upon one’s immediate political orientation with
Macedonia, which many Greeks instinctively scorned, was always infused with deep-seated ambivalence.”
46. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 14–17; this was manifested in the different mythological genealogies concocted for the Macedonian people, with Hesiod’s
Catalogue of Women claiming that the Macedonians descended from Macedon, son of Zeus and Thyia, and was therefore a nephew of Hellen, progenitor of the Greeks. See: Anson 2010, p. 16; Rhodes 2010, p. 24.
By the end of the 5th century BC, Hellanicus
of Lesbos asserted Macedon was the son of Aeolus, the latter a son of Hellen and ancestor of the Aeolians, one of the major tribes of the Greeks. As well as belonging to tribal groups such as the Aeolians, Dorians, Achaeans, and Ionians, Anson also
stresses the fact that some Greeks even distinguished their ethnic identities based on the polis (i.e. city-state) they originally came from. See: Anson 2010, p. 15.
47. ^ For instance, Demosthenes when labeling Philip II of Macedon as a barbarian
whereas Polybius called Greeks and Macedonians as homophylos (i.e. part of the same race or kin). See: Woodard 2010, pp. 9–10; Johannes Engels also discusses this ambiguity in ancient sources: Engels 2010, pp. 83–89.
48. ^ Worthington 2012, p. 319.
pharaoh of the Egyptians, he was already titled Son of Ra and considered the living incarnation of Horus by his Egyptian subjects (a belief that the Ptolemaic successors of Alexander would foster for their own dynasty in Egypt). See: Worthington 2014,
p. 180 and Sansone 2017, p. 228 for details.
49. ^ Worthington 2012, p. 319; Worthington 2014, pp. 180–183.
After the priest and Oracle of Zeus Ammon at the Siwa Oasis convinced him that Philip II was merely his mortal father and Zeus his actual
father, Alexander began styling himself as the ‘Son of Zeus’, which brought him into contention with some of his Greek subjects who adamantly believed that living men could not be immortals. See Worthington 2012, p. 319 and Worthington 2014, pp.
182–183 for details.
50. Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 105–106; Roisman 2010, p. 156.
51. ^ Engels 2010, p. 92; Roisman 2010, p. 156.
52. ^ Jump up to:a b c Sprawski 2010, pp. 135–138; Olbrycht 2010, pp. 342–345.
53. ^ Turchin, Peter; Adams, Jonathan
M.; Hall, Thomas D. (December 2006). “East-West Orientation of Historical Empires”. Journal of World-Systems Research. 12 (2): 223. ISSN 1076-156X. Retrieved 12 September 2016.
54. ^ Taagepera, Rein (1979). “Size and Duration of Empires: Growth-Decline
Curves, 600 B.C. to 600 A.D.”. Social Science History. 3 (3/4): 121. doi:10.2307/1170959. JSTOR 1170959.
55. ^ Hornblower 2008, pp. 55–58.
56. ^ Austin 2006, pp. 1–4.
57. ^ “Macedonia”. Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online.
23 October 2015. Archived from the original on 8 December 2008. Retrieved 5 February 2017..
58. ^ Jump up to:a b Adams 2010, p. 215.
59. ^ Jump up to:a b Beekes 2009, p. 894.
60. ^ Beekes 2009, p. 894
61. ^ De Decker, Filip (2016). “An Etymological
Case Study On The And Vocabulary In Robert Beekes’s New Etymological Dictionary Of Greek: M”. Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis. 133 (2). doi:10.4467/20834624SL.16.006.5152.
62. ^ King 2010, p. 376; Sprawski 2010, p. 127;
Errington 1990, pp. 2–3.
63. ^ King 2010, p. 376; Errington 1990, pp. 3, 251.
64. ^ Badian 1982, p. 34; Sprawski 2010, p. 142.
65. ^ Jump up to:a b King 2010, p. 376.
66. ^ Errington 1990, p. 2.
67. ^ Thomas 2010, pp. 67–68, 74–78.
Anson 2010, pp. 5–6.
69. ^ Darius I, DNa inscription, Line 29
70. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 343–344
71. ^ Olbrycht 2010, p. 344; Sprawski 2010, pp. 135–137; Errington 1990, pp. 9–10.
72. ^ Olbrycht 2010, pp. 343–344; Sprawski 2010, p. 137; Errington
1990, p. 10.
73. ^ King 2010, p. 376; Olbrycht 2010, pp. 344–345; Sprawski 2010, pp. 138–139.
74. ^ Sprawski 2010, pp. 139–140.
75. ^ Olbrycht 2010, p. 345; Sprawski 2010, pp. 139–141; see also Errington 1990, pp. 11–12 for further details.
Sprawski 2010, pp. 141–143; Errington 1990, pp. 9, 11–12.
77. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 145–147.
78. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 146–147; Müller 2010, p. 171; Cawkwell 1978, p. 72; see also Errington 1990, pp. 13–14 for further details.
79. ^ Jump up to:a
b c Roisman 2010, pp. 146–147.
80. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 146–147; see also Errington 1990, p. 18 for further details.
81. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 147–148; Errington 1990, pp. 19–20.
82. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 149–150; Errington 1990, p. 20.
83. ^ Roisman
2010, pp. 150–152; Errington 1990, pp. 21–22.
84. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 152; Errington 1990, p. 22.
85. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 152–153; Errington 1990, pp. 22–23.
86. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 153; Errington 1990, pp. 22–23.
87. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 153–154;
see also Errington 1990, p. 23 for further details.
88. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 154; see also Errington 1990, p. 23 for further details.
89. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 154; Errington 1990, pp. 23–24.
90. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 154–155; Errington 1990, p. 24.
Roisman 2010, pp. 155–156.
92. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 156; Errington 1990, p. 26.
93. ^ Jump up to:a b Roisman 2010, pp. 156–157.
94. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 156–157; Errington 1990, p. 26.
95. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 157–158; Errington 1990, pp. 28–29.
Roisman 2010, p. 158; Errington 1990, pp. 28–29.
97. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 159; see also Errington 1990, p. 30 for further details.
98. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 159–160; Errington 1990, pp. 32–33.
99. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 161; Errington 1990, pp. 34–35.
Roisman 2010, pp. 161–162; Errington 1990, pp. 35–36.
101. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 162–163; Errington 1990, p. 36.
102. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 162–163.
103. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 163–164; Errington 1990, p. 37.
104. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 166–167; Buckley
1996, pp. 467–472.
105. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 167–168; Buckley 1996, pp. 467–472.
106. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 167–168; Buckley 1996, pp. 467–472; Errington 1990, p. 38.
107. ^ Müller 2010, p. 167.
108. ^ Müller 2010, p. 168.
109. ^ Müller 2010,
110. ^ Müller 2010, p. 169.
111. ^ Müller 2010, p. 170; Buckler 1989, p. 62.
112. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 170–171; Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 187.
113. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 167, 169; Roisman 2010, p. 161.
114. ^ Müller 2010, pp.
169, 173–174; Cawkwell 1978, p. 84; Errington 1990, pp. 38–39.
115. ^ Müller 2010, p. 171; Buckley 1996, pp. 470–472; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 74–75.
116. ^ Müller 2010, p. 172; Hornblower 2002, p. 272; Cawkwell 1978, p. 42; Buckley 1996, pp. 470–472.
Müller 2010, pp. 171–172; Buckler 1989, pp. 8, 20–22, 26–29.
118. ^ Müller 2010, p. 173; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 62, 66–68; Buckler 1989, pp. 74–75, 78–80; Worthington 2008, pp. 61–63.
119. ^ Howe, Timothy; Brice, Lee L. (2015). Brill’s Companion
to Insurgency and Terrorism in the Ancient Mediterranean. BRILL. p. 170. ISBN 9789004284739.
120. ^ Jump up to:a b Carney, Elizabeth Donnelly (2000). Women and Monarchy in Macedonia. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 101. ISBN 9780806132129.
Müller 2010, p. 173; Cawkwell 1978, p. 44; Schwahn 1931, col. 1193–1194.
122. ^ Cawkwell 1978, p. 86.
123. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 173–174; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 85–86; Buckley 1996, pp. 474–475.
124. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 173–174; Worthington 2008, pp.
75–78; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 96–98.
125. ^ Müller 2010, p. 174; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 98–101.
126. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 174–175; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 95, 104, 107–108; Hornblower 2002, pp. 275–277; Buckley 1996, pp. 478–479.
127. ^ Müller 2010, p. 175.
Errington 1990, p. 227.
129. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 175–176; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 114–117; Hornblower 2002, p. 277; Buckley 1996, p. 482; Errington 1990, p. 44.
130. ^ Mollov & Georgiev 2015, p. 76.
131. ^ Müller 2010, p. 176; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 136–142;
Errington 1990, pp. 82–83.
132. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 176–177; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 143–148.
133. ^ Müller 2010, p. 177; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 167–168.
134. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 177–179; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 167–171; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, p.
16 for further details.
135. ^ Davis Hanson, Victor (2010). Makers of Ancient Strategy: From the Persian Wars to the Fall of Rome. Princeton University Press. p. 119. ISBN 978-0691137902. Afterwards he [Alexander] revived his father’s League of
Corinth, and with it his plan for a pan-Hellenic invasion of Asia to punish the Persians for the suffering of the Greeks, especially the Athenians, in the Greco-Persian Wars and to liberate the Greek cities of Asia Minor.
136. ^ Olbrycht 2010, pp.
137. ^ Olbrycht 2010, pp. 347–349
138. ^ Olbrycht 2010, p. 351
139. ^ Jump up to:a b Müller 2010, pp. 179–180; Cawkwell 1978, p. 170.
140. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 180–181; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 14 for further details.
Müller 2010, pp. 181–182; Errington 1990, p. 44; Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 186; see Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 3–5 for details of the arrests and judicial trials of other suspects in the conspiracy to assassinate Philip II of Macedon.
Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 190; Müller 2010, p. 183; Renault 2001, pp. 61–62; Fox 1980, p. 72; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 3–5 for further details.
143. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 186.
144. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 190.
Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 190–191; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 15–16 for further details.
146. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 191; Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 34–38.
147. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 191; Hammond & Walbank 2001,
148. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 191; see also Errington 1990, p. 91 and Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 47 for further details.
149. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 191–192; see also Errington 1990, pp. 91–92 for further details.
Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 192–193.
151. ^ Jump up to:a b c Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 193.
152. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 193–194; Holt 2012, pp. 27–41.
153. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 193–194.
154. ^ Gilley & Worthington
2010, p. 194; Errington 1990, p. 113.
155. ^ Jump up to:a b Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 195.
156. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 194–195.
157. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 105–106.
158. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 198.
159. ^ Holt 1989,
160. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 196.
161. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 199; Errington 1990, p. 93.
162. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 200–201; Errington 1990, p. 58.
163. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 201.
Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 201–203.
165. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 204; see also Errington 1990, p. 44 for further details.
166. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 204; see also Errington 1990, pp. 115–117 for further details.
Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 204; Adams 2010, p. 209; Errington 1990, pp. 69–70, 119.
168. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 204–205; Adams 2010, pp. 209–210; Errington 1990, pp. 69, 119.
169. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 205; see also Errington
1990, p. 118 for further details.
170. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 208–209; Errington 1990, p. 117.
171. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 210–211; Errington 1990, pp. 119–120.
172. ^ Adams 2010, p. 211; Errington 1990, pp. 120–121.
173. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 211–212;
Errington 1990, pp. 121–122.
174. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 207 n. #1, 212; Errington 1990, pp. 122–123.
175. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 212–213; Errington 1990, pp. 124–126.
176. ^ Jump up to:a b Adams 2010, p. 213; Errington 1990, pp. 126–127.
177. ^ Adams
2010, pp. 213–214; Errington 1990, pp. 127–128.
178. ^ Adams 2010, p. 214; Errington 1990, pp. 128–129.
179. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 214–215.
180. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 215–216.
181. ^ Adams 2010, p. 216.
182. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 216–217; Errington
1990, p. 129.
183. ^ Adams 2010, p. 217; Errington 1990, p. 145.
184. ^ Adams 2010, p. 217; Errington 1990, pp. 145–147; Bringmann 2007, p. 61.
185. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Adams 2010, p. 218.
186. ^ Jump up to:a b Bringmann 2007, p. 61.
Adams 2010, p. 218; Errington 1990, p. 153.
188. ^ Jump up to:a b Adams 2010, pp. 218–219; Bringmann 2007, p. 61.
189. ^ Adams 2010, p. 219; Bringmann 2007, p. 61; Errington 1990, pp. 156–157.
190. ^ Adams 2010, p. 219; Bringmann 2007, pp. 61–63;
Errington 1990, pp. 159–160.
191. ^ Errington 1990, p. 160.
192. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 160–161.
193. ^ Adams 2010, p. 219; Bringmann 2007, p. 63; Errington 1990, pp. 162–163.
194. ^ Jump up to:a b Adams 2010, pp. 219–220; Bringmann 2007, p.
195. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 219–220; Bringmann 2007, p. 63; Errington 1990, p. 164.
196. ^ Adams 2010, p. 220; Errington 1990, pp. 164–165.
197. ^ Adams 2010, p. 220.
198. ^ Adams 2010, p. 220; Bringmann 2007, p. 63; Errington 1990, p. 167.
Adams 2010, p. 220; Errington 1990, pp. 165–166.
200. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221; see also Errington 1990, pp. 167–168 about the resurgence of Sparta under Areus I.
201. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221; Errington 1990, p. 168.
202. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221; Errington
1990, pp. 168–169.
203. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221; Errington 1990, pp. 169–171.
204. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221.
205. ^ Jump up to:a b Adams 2010, p. 222.
206. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 221–222; Errington 1990, p. 172.
207. ^ Adams 2010, p. 222; Errington
1990, pp. 172–173.
208. ^ Adams 2010, p. 222; Errington 1990, p. 173.
209. ^ Adams 2010, p. 222; Errington 1990, p. 174.
210. ^ Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, pp. 173–174.
211. ^ Jump up to:a b Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, p. 174.
Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, pp. 174–175.
213. ^ Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, pp. 175–176.
214. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 223–224; Eckstein 2013, p. 314; see also Errington 1990, pp. 179–180 for further details.
215. ^ Adams 2010, pp.
223–224; Eckstein 2013, p. 314; Errington 1990, pp. 180–181.
216. ^ Adams 2010, p. 224; Eckstein 2013, p. 314; Errington 1990, pp. 181–183.
217. ^ Adams 2010, p. 224; see also Errington 1990, p. 182 about the Macedonian military’s occupation
of Sparta following the Battle of Sellasia.
218. ^ Adams 2010, p. 224; Errington 1990, pp. 183–184.
219. ^ Eckstein 2010, p. 229; Errington 1990, pp. 184– Photo credit: https://www.flickr.com/photos/koekiehaas/3102535578/’]