• Newton believed that imperialism had developed into a new stage known as “reactionary intercommunalism,” characterized by the rise of a small “ruling circle” within the United
  States which had gained a monopoly on advanced technology and the education necessary to use it.

• The result of neo-colonialism is that foreign capital is used for the exploitation rather than for the development of the less developed parts of the world.

• The theory of imperialism refers to a range of theoretical approaches to understanding the expansion of capitalism into new areas, the unequal development of different countries,
  and economic systems that may lead to the dominance of some countries over others.

• [7][8][9][page needed] Marx’s theory of the tendency of the rate of profit to fall was considered particularly important to later theorists of imperialism, as it seemed to
  explain why capitalist enterprises consistently require areas of higher profitability to expand into.

• The result of these tendencies would be large national blocs of capital competing within a world economy,[52] or in Bukharin’s words: [V]arious spheres of the concentration
  and organization process stimulate each other, creating a very strong tendency towards transforming the entire national economy into one gigantic combined enterprise under the tutelage of the financial kings and the capitalist state, an enterprise
  which monopolizes the national market.

• The defining characteristics of these tiers changed as Wallerstein adopted new ideas into his world-systems analysis: in his early work, the difference between these tiers
  lies in the strength of the state systems in each country,[91] while in later essays all states serve fundamentally the same purpose as part of an interstate system, which exists to divide the world into areas differentiated by the degree
  to which they benefit from or are harmed by unequal exchange.

• [92] To Wallerstein, class analysis amounts to the analysis of the interests of “syndical groups” within countries, which may or may not relate to structural positions within
  the world-economy.

• Bukharin’s main difference with Hilferding was that rather than a single process that leads to imperialism (the increasing concentration of finance capital), Bukharin saw
  two competing processes that would create friction and warfare.

• In India Marx was critical of the role of merchant capital, which he saw as preventing societal transformation where industrial capital might otherwise bring progressive change.

• It follows that world capitalism, the world system of production, assumes in our times the following aspect: a few consolidated, organized economic bodies (‘the great civilized
  powers’) on the one hand, and a periphery of underdeveloped countries with a semi-agrarian or agrarian system on the other.

• Notably it does not rely on an analysis of monopoly capital, or the expansion of the capitalist mode, instead positing that free trade between two fully capitalist nations
  can still be unequal in terms of the underlying value of trade goods, resulting in an imperialist transfer.

• Baran and Sweezy also rejected the earlier claim that all national industries would form a single “national cartel,” instead noting that there tended to be a number of monopoly
  companies within a country: just enough to maintain a “balance of power.

• To Frank, any part of the world touched by capitalist exchange was described as “capitalist,” even areas of high self-sufficiency or peasant agriculture, and much of his work
  was devoted to demonstrating the degree to which capitalism had penetrated into traditional societies.

• Newton declared that nations had instead become a loose collection of “communities of the world,”[80] which must build power through survival programs, creating self-sufficiency
  and a basis for material solidarity with one another.

• Instead, from the 16th century onwards a world-system formed through market exchange had developed, displacing the “minisystems” (small, local economies) and “world-empires”
  (systems based on tribute to a central authority) that had existed until that point.

• The struggle against neo-colonialism is not aimed at excluding the capital of the developed world from operating in less developed countries.

• [26] This process is summarized by Hilferding as follows: The policy of finance capital has three objectives: (1) to establish the largest possible economic territory; (2)
  to close this territory to foreign competition by a wall of protective tariffs, and consequently (3) to reserve it as an area of exploitation for the national monopolistic combines.

• Cabral differed from historical materialism in that he did not believe that the progression through such historical stages was the result of class struggle, rather that a
  mode of production has its own independent character which can effect change, and only in the second phase of development can class struggle change societies.

• First, she argued that Marx had made a logical error in his analysis of extended reproduction, which would make it impossible for goods to be sold at prices high enough to
  cover the costs of reinvestment, meaning that buyers external to the capitalist system would be required for capitalist production to remain profitable.

• This is a key difference with the earlier “classical” theories of imperialism, especially Bukharin, as here monopoly does not represent an intensification of competition but
  rather its total suppression.

• — Hilferding[27] To Hilferding, monopolies exploited all consumers within their protected areas, not just colonial subjects, however he did believe that “[v]iolent methods
  are of the essence of colonial policy, without which it would lose its capitalist rationale.

• [72] Nkrumah’s theory was largely based in Lenin’s Imperialism, and followed similar themes to the classical Marxist theories of imperialism, describing imperialism as the
  result of a need to export crises to areas outside Europe.

• — Bukharin[53] Competition and other independent market forces would, in this system, be relatively restrained at the national level, but much more disruptive at the world
  level.

• Hobson is best remembered for his Imperialism: A Study, published 1902, which associated imperialism with the growth of monopoly capital and a subsequent underconsumption
  crisis.

• While there is still an objective reality of class, class consciousness tends to manifest at a state level, or through conflicts of nations or ethnicities, and may or may
  not be based in a reality of world-economic positions (the same is true of bourgeois class consciousness).

• [88] Arghiri Emmanuel wrote that the intensification of global trade created a hidden transfer of value from poor to rich countries.

• It is aimed at preventing the financial power of the developed countries being used in such a way as to impoverish the less developed.

• However unlike the classical Marxist theories, Nkrumah saw imperialism as holding back the development of the colonized world, writing: In place of colonialism, as the main
  instrument of imperialism, we have today neo-colonialism… [which] like colonialism, is an attempt to export the social conflicts of the capitalist countries…

• “[11] Marx also argued that certain colonial societies’ backwardness could only be explained through external intervention.

• Historians Peter Duignan and Lewis H. Gann argue that Hobson had an enormous influence in the early 20th century among people from all over the world: Hobson’s ideas were
  not entirely original; however his hatred of moneyed men and monopolies, his loathing of secret compacts and public bluster, fused all existing indictments of imperialism into one coherent system….His ideas influenced German nationalist
  opponents of the British Empire as well as French Anglophobes and Marxists; they colored the thoughts of American liberals and isolationist critics of colonialism.

• [41] While Luxemburg’s analysis of imperialism did not prove to be as influential as other theories, she has been praised for urging early Marxists to focus on the Global
  South rather than solely on advanced, industrialized countries.

• Prior to the First World War Hobson, as well as Karl Liebknecht had theorized that imperialist states could, in the future, potentially transform into interstate cartels which
  could more efficiently exploit the remainder of the world without causing warfare in Europe.

• [10] Marx also noted the need for the capitalist mode of production as a whole to constantly expand into new areas, writing that “‘The need of a constantly expanding market
  chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe.

• Hobson helped make the British averse to the exercise of colonial rule; he provided indigenous nationalists in Asia and Africa with the ammunition to resist rule from Europe
  — Peter Duignan and Lewis H. Gann[16] By 1911, Hobson had largely reversed his position on imperialism, as he was convinced by arguments from his fellow radical liberals Joseph Schumpeter, Thorstein Veblen, and Norman Angell, who argued that
  imperialism itself was mutually beneficial for all societies involved, provided it was not perpetrated by a power with a fundamentally aristocratic, militaristic nature.

• While in conventional competitive capitalism, any firm which does not introduce new productive techniques will usually fall behind and become unprofitable, in monopoly capitalism,
  there is actually no incentive to introduce new productive techniques, as there are no rivals to gain a competitive advantage over, and thus no reason to render one’s own machinery obsolete.

• The era of finance capital would be one marked by large companies which are able to raise money from a wide range of sources.

• This had the effect of essentially forcing banking monopolies to invest directly in production,[24] as Hilferding writes: An ever-increasing part of the capital of industry
  does not belong to the industrialists who use it.

• [65][66] In doing so Baran and Sweezy were the first theorists to popularize the idea that imperialism is not a force which is both progressive and destructive, but rather
  that it is destructive as well as a barrier to development in many countries.

• [1] These theories are considered distinct from other uses of the word imperialism which refer to the general tendency for empires throughout history to seek power and territorial
  expansion.

• Another key aspect of world-systems theory is the idea of world hegemo

• [47] Despite being sharply criticized in its own day, ultra-imperialism has been revived to describe instances of inter-imperialist cooperation in later years, such as cooperation
  among capitalist states in the Cold War.

• [54] Bukharin’s theory of imperialism is also notable for reintroducing the theory of a labor aristocracy in order to explain the perceived failure of the Second International.

• In Frank’s earlier writings he believed this system of relations extended back to the 16th century,[78] while in his later work (after his adoption of world-systems theory)
  he believed it extended as far back as the 4th millennium BC.

• In doing so, this allowed colonial regions to serve as a “release valve” for European social and economic crises, such as through exporting unwanted populations as settlers,
  or overexploiting colonial regions in such a manner that would provoke revolt if it were performed in Europe.

• [61] The enormous military and research investments of the Cold War can be explained through a need to solve over-investment resulting from underconsumption.

• On the other side, the banks have to invest an ever-increasing part of their capital in industry, and in this way they become to a greater and greater extent industrial capitalists.

• Through creating a permanently unsettled global underclass, Europeans had also created a permanent reserve army of labor, who, once imported into Europe or the Americas, could
  easily be kept from organizing through racism and stratified wages.

• Investment, under neo-colonialism, increases, rather than decreases, the gap between the rich and the poor countries of the world.

• He furthermore noted that western, developed nations had much higher wages than underdeveloped ones, which he credited to higher rates of unionization rather than a difference
  in productivity, for which he saw no evidence.

• In addition to this transfer of surplus, Frank noted that satellite economies become “distorted” over time, developing a low-waged, primary goods-producing industrial sector
  with few available jobs, leaving much of the country reliant on pre-industrial production.

• Bukharin argued that increased superprofits from the colonies constituted the basis for higher wages in advanced countries, causing some workers to identify with the interests
  of their state rather than their class.

• These communities (led by a vanguard of the Black lumpenproletariat) would then be able to join into a universal identity, expropriate the ruling circle, and establish a new
  stage known as “revolutionary intercommunalism,” which could itself lead to communism.

• These competing drives to exploit and destroy pre-capitalist societies led Luxemburg to the conclusion that capitalism would end once it ran out of pre-capitalist societies
  to exploit, leading her to campaign against war and colonialism.

• [43][44] In 1914 Karl Kautsky expressed a similar idea, coining the term ultra-imperialism, or a stage of peaceful cooperation between imperialist powers, where countries
  would forego arms races and limit competition.

• In addition to this, capital exports into the less concretely divided areas of the world have increased, and monopoly companies seek protection from their parent states in
  order to secure these foreign investments.

• [73] — Nkrumah, Introduction to Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism Nkrumah’s combination of elements from classical Marxist theories of imperialism with the conclusion
  that imperialism systematically underdevelops poor nations would, like the similar writings of Ché Guevara,[74] prove influential among leaders of the non-aligned movement and various national-liberation groups.

• Hobson argued that the growth of monopolies within capitalist countries tends to concentrate capital in fewer hands, leading to an increase in savings, and a corresponding
  decline in investment.

• This problem can, however, be delayed through investments in unproductive aspects of society (such as the military), or through capital export.

• [88] Emmanuel’s theory generated considerable interest through the 1970s, and was incorporated into many later theorists’ work, albeit in a modified form.

• In an introduction to Bukharin’s Imperialism and World Economy for example, Lenin contended that “in the abstract one can think of such a phase.

• Most later writers, such as Samir Amin, believed unequal exchange was a side-effect of differences in productivity between core and periphery, or (in the case of Charles Bettelheim)
  of differences in organic composition of capital.

• Monopoly was thus not an end to competition, but rather each successive intensification of Monopoly capital into larger blocs would entail a much more intensive form of competition,
  at ever larger scales.

• Imperialism, then, represented any barrier to indigenous social transformation, with Cabral noting that colonial society had failed to develop a mature set of class dynamics.

• [90] Wallerstein[edit] Main article: World-systems theory A world map of countries by their trading status in 2000, using Wallerstein’s categories of core countries (blue),
  semi-periphery countries (yellow) and periphery countries (red).

• In the second, social structures are vertical, with a class society, private property, and a high level of productive forces.

• These two drives result in a need to safeguard the monopoly’s foreign investments, or break up existing protections to better penetrate foreign markets, adding to the pressure
  to annex foreign countries.

 

Works Cited

[‘Brewer (1990), p. 3.
2. ^ Schuyler, Robert Livingston (January 9, 1922). “The Rise of Anti-Imperialism in England”. Political Science Quarterly. 37 (3): 440–471. doi:10.2307/2142146. ISSN 0032-3195. JSTOR 2142146. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
3. ^
Jump up to:a b O’Callaghan, Einde (25 October 2007). “The Marxist Theory of Imperialism and its Critics”. Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 24 April 2011.
4. ^ Brewer (1990), p. 25.
5. ^ Revisionism, Imperialism and the State in Revolutionary
Communist Papers, Number Four, February 1979 Junius London
6. ^ Marx, Karl Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (Rough Draft) Penguin 1973 p.650-651
7. ^ Lucia Pradella [2015] Globalisation and the Critique of Political
Economy: New insights from Marx’s writings Routledge
8. ^ Lucia Pradella ‘Marx ahead of Lenin: The current relevance of Marx’s theory of imperialism’, presentation to 2016 IIPPE Imperialism Today Workshop at SOAS, London
9. ^ Pradella, Lucia
[2017] ‘Marx and the Global South: Connecting History and Value Theory’ in Sociology 2017, Vol 51(1) p.148
10. ^ Brewer (1990), pp. 33–6.
11. ^ Marx, Karl. “Manifesto of the Communist Party”. Wikisource. p. 17. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
12. ^
Brewer (1990), pp. 48–56.
13. ^ Jump up to:a b Brewer (1990), p. 73.
14. ^ Jump up to:a b Cain, P. J. (2007). “Capitalism, Aristocracy and Empire: Some ‘Classical’ Theories of Imperialism Revisited”. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth
History. 35: 25–47. doi:10.1080/03086530601143388. S2CID 159660602.
15. ^ Hunt, E.K. (2003). Property and Prophets: The Evolution of Economic Institutions and Ideologies. Armonk, New York: M.E. Sharpe, Inc. pp. 183–184. ISBN 978-0-7656-0609-9.
16. ^
Duignan, Peter; Gann, Lewis H. (2013). Burden of Empire: An Appraisal of Western Colonialism in Africa South of the Sahara. Hoover Press. p. 59. ISBN 9780817916930.
17. ^ Peatling, G. K. (2004). “Globalism, Hegemonism and British Power: J. A. Hobson
and Alfred Zimmern Reconsidered”. History. 89 (295): 381–398. doi:10.1111/j.1468-229X.2004.00305.x.
18. ^ Jump up to:a b “Talk of uneven development becomes dominant in Trotsky’s writings from 1927 onwards. From this date, whenever the law is mentioned,
the claim consistently made for it is that ‘the entire history of mankind is governed by the law of uneven development’.” – Ian D. Thatcher, “Uneven and combined development”, Revolutionary Russia, Vol. 4 No. 2, 1991, p. 237.
19. ^ Jump up to:a
b Leon Trotsky, “Peculiarities of Russia’s development”, chapter 1 in History of the Russian Revolution, Vol. 1 [1]
20. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcel van der Linden, “The ‘Law’ of Uneven and Combined Development: Some Underdeveloped Thoughts”. Historical
Materialism, Volume 15, Number 1, 2007, pp. 145-165.
21. ^ Hilferding (2019), pp. 322–3.
22. ^ Smith, Neil. Preface to the second edition of, Uneven Development: Nature, Capital and the Production of Space, xi-xiii. Georgia:University of Georgia
Press. 2008.
23. ^ Gregory, Derek, Ron Pratt, and Geraldine Pratt. Dictionary of Human Geography. 5th Edition. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009. Online.
24. ^ Brewer (1990), pp. 88–93.
25. ^ Hilferding (2019), p. 225.
26. ^ Brewer (1990), pp.
93–100.
27. ^ Hilferding (2019), p. 226.
28. ^ Hilferding (2019), p. 319.
29. ^ Brewer (1990), p. 99.
30. ^ William Smaldone, Rudolf Hilferding: The Tragedy of a German Social Democrat. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1998.
31. ^
Brewer (1990), pp. 58–72.
32. ^ Scott, Helen (2008). “Introduction to Rosa Luxemburg”. The Essential Rosa Luxemburg: Reform or Revolution and The Mass Strike. By Luxemburg, Rosa. Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books. p. 18.
33. ^ Kolakowski, Leszek (2008).
Main Currents of Marxism. W. W. Norton & Company. pp. 407–415.
34. ^ Sp (21 Jan 1913). “Die Akkumulation des Kapitals (1)”. Dresdner Volkszeitung [de] (in German). 24 (16): 1.
35. ^ Sp (22 Jan 1913). “Die Akkumulation des Kapitals (2)”. Dresdner
Volkszeitung (in German). 24 (17): 1.
36. ^ Schippel, Max (13 Feb 1913). “Das Grundgeheimnis des Imperialismus”. Sozialistische Monatshefte (in German). 19 (3): 147–152.
37. ^ Eckstein, Gustav (16 Feb 1913). “Rosa Luxemburg: Die Akkumulation des
Kapitals – Ein Beitrag zur ökonomischen Erklärung des Imperialismus”. Vorwärts (in German). 30 (40): 13–14.
38. ^ Eckstein, Gustav (23 Feb 1913). “Überflüssige Aufregung”. Vorwärts (in German). 30 (46): 3.
39. ^ Bauer, Otto (7 Mar 1913). “Die
Akkumulation des Kapitals (1)”. Die neue Zeit – Wochenschrift der deutschen Sozialdemokratie (in German). 31 (23): 831–838.
40. ^ Bauer, Otto (14 Mar 1913). “Die Akkumulation des Kapitals (2)”. Die neue Zeit – Wochenschrift der deutschen Sozialdemokratie
(in German). 31 (24): 862–874.
41. ^ Lukács, György (1971). History and class consciousness : studies in Marxist dialectics. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. ISBN 0-262-12035-6. OCLC 143706.
42. ^ Brewer (1990), p. 72.
43. ^ Hobson (1902), p. 311.
44. ^
Karl Liebknecht: Schriften. Vol. 1., Berlin 1958, p. 269-270 (translated from German).
45. ^ Karl Kautsky, Der Imperialismus, in: Die Neue Zeit. 32 (1914), Vol. 2, p. 908–922; Karl Kautsky: Imperialism and the War, in: International socialist review,
15 (1914).
46. ^ Karl Kautsky, Ultra-imperialism.
47. ^ Lenin’s introduction to Nikolai Bukharin, Imperialism and the World Economy.
48. ^ Lenin, Kautsky and “ultra-imperialism”, World Socialist Web Site.
49. ^ “Ultra-imperialism”: a debate,
Workers Liberty.
50. ^ Martin Thomas, Introduction to Kautsky’s “Ultra-imperialism”, Workers Liberty.
51. ^ Bashir Abu-Manneh, The Illusions of Empire, Monthly Review.
52. ^ Brewer (1990), pp. 111–4.
53. ^ Bukharin (2013), pp. 73–4.
54. ^
Brewer (1990), pp. 114–6.
55. ^ Brewer (1990), pp. 123–8.
56. ^ Brewer (1990), p. 116.
57. ^ Bukharin (2013), p. 110n.
58. ^ Lenin, Vladimir. “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”. marxists.org. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
59. ^ Brewer
(1990), p. 116–9.
60. ^ John Baylis and Steve Smith (2005) The Globalization of World Politics. OUP: pp. 231–235
61. ^ Brewer (1990), p. 136–9.
62. ^ Brewer (1990), pp. 139–45.
63. ^ Brewer (1990), pp. 145–50.
64. ^ Brewer (1990), pp. 150–60.
65. ^
Feldman, Benjamin (Fall 2019). “A Capital for the Age of Growth: Paul Baran, Paul Sweezy, and the Critique of Keynesian Civilization”. Critical Historical Studies. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. 6 (2): 195–221. doi:10.1086/705368. ISSN
2326-4462. S2CID 214468773. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
66. ^ Baran, Paul A.; Marcuse, Herbert (March 1, 2013). “The Baran Marcuse Correspondence”. Monthly Review. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
67. ^ Brewer (1990), pp. 136–60.
68. ^ Foster, J.B.;
F. Magdoff (2009). The Great Financial Crisis. New York: Monthly Review Press.
69. ^ Foster, J.B.; R.W. McChesney (2012). The Endless Crisis. New York: Monthly Review Press.
70. ^ McChesney, R.W. (2013). Digital Disconnect. New York: Monthly Review
Press.
71. ^ “Monthly Review | Baran and Sweezy’s Monopoly Capital, then and Now”. November 2015.
72. ^ Arnold, Guy (6 April 2010). The A to Z of the Non-Aligned Movement and Third World. Scarecrow Press. p. 108. ISBN 978-1-4616-7231-9.
73. ^
From the Introduction. Kwame Nkrumah. Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism. First Published: Thomas Nelson & Sons, Ltd., London (1965). Published in the USA by International Publishers Co., Inc., (1966);
74. ^ “Cuba: Historical exception
or vanguard in the anticolonial struggle?” speech by Che Guevara on 9 April 1961
75. ^ Wallerstein, Immanuel Maurice (2005). Africa: The Politics of Independence and Unity. University of Nebraska Press. p. 52. ISBN 0803298560: ‘The Cairo meeting
did leave an important intellectual legacy, however. It attempted the one serious, collectively agreed-upon definition of neo-colonialism, the key concept in the armory of the revolutionary core of the movement for African unity. Neo-colonialism is
defined as “the survival of the colonial system in spite of formal recognition of political independence in emerging countries.”‘
76. ^ Graf, William D. (1981). “Reviewed work: Neocolonialism and African Politics: A Survey of the Impact of Neocolonialism
on African Political Behaviour, Yolamu R. Barongo”. Canadian Journal of African Studies. 15 (3): 600–602. doi:10.2307/484744. JSTOR 484744: ‘The term, itself, originated in Africa, probably with Nkrumah, and received collective recognition at the
1961 All-African People’s Conference.’
77. ^ Jump up to:a b c McCulloch, Jock (September 1981). “Amilcar Cabral: A Theory of Imperialism”. The Journal of Modern African Studies. 19 (3): 503–511. doi:10.1017/S0022278X00014993. ISSN 0022-278X. JSTOR
160757. S2CID 153966251. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
78. ^ Jump up to:a b c Brewer (1990), pp. 161–76.
79. ^ Frank, Andre Gunder (December 1996). The World System: Five Hundred Years or Five Thousand? (1 ed.). London, UK: Routledge. ISBN 9780415150897.
80. ^
Newton, Huey P. (December 2009). To Die for the People (Illustrated ed.). San Francisco, California: City Lights Publishers. pp. 31–32. ISBN 978-0872865297.
81. ^ Newton, Huey P.; Erikson, Erik H. (October 1, 1973). In Search of Common Ground: Conversations
with Erik H. Erikson and Huey P. Newton (New ed.). New York, New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. pp. 25–28. ISBN 0393333310.
82. ^ “Intercommunalism: The Late Theorizations of Huey P. Newton”. June 11, 2018. Archived from the original on June
8, 2020. Retrieved July 31, 2021.
83. ^ Jump up to:a b Narayan, John (April 2019). “Huey P. Newton’s Intercommunalism: An Unacknowledged Theory of Empire”. Theory, Culture & Society. 36 (3): 57–85. doi:10.1177/0263276417741348. ISSN 0263-2764.
S2CID 149064484. Retrieved 2 August 2021.
84. ^ Narayan, John (7 September 2017). “The wages of whiteness in the absence of wages: racial capitalism, reactionary intercommunalism and the rise of Trumpism”. Third World Quarterly. 38 (11): 2482–2500.
doi:10.1080/01436597.2017.1368012. ISSN 0143-6597. S2CID 148611750. Retrieved 2 August 2021.
85. ^ Shilliam, Robbie (November 2012). “The Polynesian Panthers and The Black Power Gang: Surviving Racism and Colonialism in Aotearoa New Zealand”. In
Slate, Nico; Trotter, Joe (eds.). Black Power beyond Borders: The Global Dimensions of the Black Power Movement (2012 ed.). New York: Palgrave. pp. 107–126. ISBN 978-1137285065.
86. ^ Lubin, Alex (2016). “Black Panther Palestine”. Studies in American
Jewish Literature. 35 (1): 77–97. doi:10.5325/studamerjewilite.35.1.0077. ISSN 0271-9274. JSTOR 10.5325/studamerjewilite.35.1.0077. S2CID 156174123. Retrieved 6 August 2021.
87. ^ Malloy, Sean L. (June 2017). Out of Oakland: Black Panther Party
Internationalism during the Cold War (First ed.). Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. pp. 161, 172–186. ISBN 9781501713422.
88. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Brewer (1990), pp. 200–24.
89. ^ Cope (2019), pp. 47–58.
90. ^ Jump up to:a b c Plys,
Kristin (March 23, 2021). “Theorizing Capitalist Imperialism for an Anti-Imperialist Praxis”. Journal of World-Systems Research. 27 (1): 288–313. doi:10.5195/jwsr.2021.1022. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
91. ^ Jump up to:a b c Brewer (1990), pp. 176–8.
92. ^
Wallerstein (1984), p. 15.
93. ^ Wallerstein (1984), pp. 34–6.
94. ^ Wallerstein (1984), pp. 38–46.
95. ^ Barfield, Thomas, ed. (1998). The dictionary of anthropology. Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 498–499. ISBN 1-57718-057-7. Archived from the original
on 2021-07-26. Retrieved 2016-03-15.
96. ^ Immanuel Wallerstein, (2004), “World-systems Analysis.” In World System History, ed. George Modelski, in Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems (EOLSS), Developed under the Auspices of the UNESCO, Eolss Publishers,
Oxford, UK
97. ^ Jump up to:a b Brewer (1990), pp. 182–95.
98. ^ Robinson, Andrew. “An A-Z of theory Samir Amin (Part 1)”. Ceasefire Magazine. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
99. ^ Michaels, Walter Benn (2004). The Shape of the Signifier: 1967 to
the end of history. Princeton University Press. p. 173. ISBN 9781400849598. Indeed, it is the irrelevance of political beliefs or ideas and their replacement by what (thinking to follow Foucault) Hardt and Negri call the “biopolitical”, that mark
the special contribution of the discourse of terrorism, which we might more generally call the discourse of globalization.
100. ^ Walter Benn Michaels, The Shape of the Signifier: 1967 to the end of history (Princeton University Press, 2004), pg
171-172.
101. ^ Hardt, Michael; Negri, Antonio (September 15, 2001). Empire (Second ed.). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. p. 6. ISBN 9780674006713.
102. ^ Walter Benn Michaels, The Shape of the Signifier: 1967 to the end of history (Princeton
University Press, 2004), pp 173,179-180,.
103. ^ As a sample of those debates in the academic circles, look at this article: Mehmet Akif Okur, “Rethinking Empire After 9/11: Towards A New Ontological Image of World Order,” Archived 2013-03-10 at
the Wayback Machine Perceptions, Journal of International Affairs, Volume XII, Winter 2007, pp.61-93. Retrieved 13 May 2013.
104. ^ Passavant, Paul; Dean, Jodi, eds. (2004). Empire’s New Clothes. doi:10.4324/9780203644003. ISBN 9781135950903.
105. ^
Elia Zaru’s book is an attempt to summarize the academic debate following the release of Empire “La postmodernità di «Empire»,” Mimesis Edizioni, 2018.
106. ^ Vogler (2022), pp. 189–234.
107. ^ Vogler (2022), pp. 195–9.
108. ^ Vogler (2022),
p. 205.
109. ^ Vogler (2022), p. 189.
110. ^ Vogler (2022), pp. 202–3.
111. ^ “How Europe’s history of interstate rivalry is linked to global imperialism – and why it still matters today”. London School of Economics EUROPP Blog. Retrieved 3
August 2023.
112. ^ Vogler (2022), pp. 203–4.
113. ^ “Research in Political Economy”. Emerald Publishing. Archived from the original on 18 August 2021. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
114. ^ “About Us”. Peace, Land and Bread. Archived from the original
on 18 August 2021. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
115. ^ Neocleous, Mark (March 23, 2021). “Debt as Pacification”. Journal of World-Systems Research. 27 (1): 58–76. doi:10.5195/jwsr.2021.1017. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
116. ^ Stahnke, Ben (June 21,
2021). “The Roman Limits in Britannia: Towards an Anti-Imperial Political Ecology of the Imperial Border”. Peace, Land and Bread. Archived from the original on 18 August 2021. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
117. ^ Bai, Yikang; Givens, Jennifer E. (March
21, 2021). “Ecologically Unequal Exchange of Plastic Waste?”. Journal of World-Systems Research. 27 (1): 265–287. doi:10.5195/jwsr.2021.1026. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
118. ^ Dorninger, Christian; Hornborg, Alf; Abson, David J.; von Wehrden, Henrik;
Schaffartzik, Anke; Giljum, Stefan; Engler, John-Oliver; Feller, Robert L.; Hubacek, Klaus; Wieland, Hanspeter (January 2021). “Global patterns of ecologically unequal exchange: Implications for sustainability in the 21st century”. Ecological Economics.
179: 106824. doi:10.1016/j.ecolecon.2020.106824. S2CID 224844527.
119. ^ Hickel, Jason; Sullivan, Dylan; Zoomkawala, Huzaifa. “Rich countries drained $152tn from the global South since 1960”. Al Jazeera. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
120. ^ Hickel,
Jason; Sullivan, Dylan; Zoomkawala, Huzaifa (2021). “Plunder in the Post-Colonial Era: Quantifying Drain from the Global South Through Unequal Exchange, 1960–2018”. New Political Economy. 26 (6): 1030–1047. doi:10.1080/13563467.2021.1899153. S2CID
233600773.
121. ^ Bagchi, Amiya Kumar (October 29, 2014). “A Comment on the Post–Cope Debate on Labour Aristocracy and Colonialism”. Research in Political Economy. 29: 261–273. doi:10.1108/S0161-723020140000029009. ISBN 978-1-78441-007-0. ISSN 0161-7230.
Retrieved 18 August 2021.
122. ^ Jump up to:a b Post, Charles (October 29, 2014). “The Roots of Working Class Reformism and Conservatism: A Response to Zak Cope’s Defense of the “Labor Aristocracy” Thesis” (PDF). Research in Political Economy.
29: 241–260. doi:10.1108/S0161-723020140000029008. ISBN 978-1-78441-007-0. ISSN 0161-7230. Archived from the original (PDF) on 18 November 2020. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
123. ^ Cope, Zak (April 29, 2013). “Global Wage Scaling and Left Ideology:
A Critique of Charles Post on the ‘Labour Aristocracy'”. Research in Political Economy. 28: 89–129. doi:10.1108/S0161-7230(2013)0000028005. ISBN 978-1-78190-670-5. ISSN 0161-7230. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
124. ^ Cope (2019).
125. ^ Cope, Zak
(February 2, 2015). Divided World, Divided Class: Global Political Economy and the Stratification of Labour Under Capitalism (Second ed.). Montreal, Quebec: Kersplebedeb. ISBN 9781894946681.
126. ^ Cheng, Enfu; Lu, Baolin (May 2021). “Five Characteristics
of Neoimperialism”. Monthly Review. 73 (1): 22–58. doi:10.14452/MR-073-01-2021-05_2. S2CID 235568392. See also On the Five Characteristics of Neo-imperialism: Based on Lenin’s Theory of Imperialism (Pt. 1/2) on United World.
127. ^ Booth, Adam.
“Marx’s Capital: Chapters 4-8 – Surplus Value”. Socialist Appeal. Retrieved 2019-12-11.
128. ^ “Underconsumption Theories”. Archived from the original on 2009-08-21. Retrieved 2009-07-27.
129. ^ Wallerstein (1984), p. 6.
130. ^ Marx 1933: 568,
quoted in Sweezy 1970: 177
131. ^ As quoted by Franz Mehring in his biography of Karl Marx, p. 404 of the 1935 Covici, Friede edition, tr. Edward Fitzgerald
132. ^ Jump up to:a b Penzner, Jonathan; Sweezy, Paul; Magdoff, Harry (January 1, 2013).
“Capitalism and the Fallacy of Crude Underconsumptionism”. Monthly Review. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
133. ^ Brewer (1990), pp. 31–2.
134. ^ Weeks, John (Spring 1982). “A Note on Underconsumptionist Theory and the Labor Theory of Value”. Science
& Society. 46 (1): 60–76. JSTOR 40402375. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
135. ^ Brewer (1990), p. 77.
136. ^ Brewer (1990), pp. 86–7.
137. ^ Brewer. Marxist Theories of Imperialism. pp. 7, 89.
138. ^ Brewer (1990), p. 92.
139. ^ Brewer (1990),
pp. 96–7, 115–6.
140. ^ Wallerstein (1984), p. 3.
141. ^ Brewer (1990), p. 126.
142. ^ Brewer (1990), p. 22.
143. ^ Jump up to:a b Brewer (1990), pp. 136–7.
144. ^ Brewer (1990), p. 70.
145. ^ Jump up to:a b Cope (2019), pp. 133–48.
146. ^
Lauesen, Torkil; Cope, Zak (July 1, 2015). “Imperialism and the Transformation of Values into Prices”. Monthly Review. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
147. ^ Brewer (1990), pp. 55–6.
148. ^ Fanon, Frantz (December 2007). The Wretched of the Earth (Reprint
ed.). Greenwich Village, NY: Grove Press. p. 31. ISBN 9780802141323.
149. ^ Samaha, Amal (19 May 2021). “How the West is Underdeveloping Itself”. Peace, Land and Bread. Archived from the original on 18 August 2021. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
150. ^
Brewer (1990), p. 111-4.
151. ^ Brewer (1990), p. 167.
152. ^ Brewer (1990), pp. 262–5.
153. ^ Jump up to:a b Hobsbawn, Eric (December 1, 2012). “Lenin and the “Aristocracy of Labor””. Monthly Review. Retrieved 18 August 2021.
154. ^ Lenin,
Vladimir (1901). What Is to Be Done?. “The Spontaneity of the Masses and the Consciousness of the Social Democrats”. Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 30 April 2019.
155. ^ Brewer (1990), p. 177.
2. Brewer, Anthony A. (August 1990). Marxist
Theories of Imperialism: A Critical Survey (2nd ed.). London: Routledge. ISBN 9780415044691.
3. Bukharin, Nikolai (28 January 2013) [1917]. Imperialism And World Economy (New ed.). Monthly Review Press. ISBN 978-1482097528.
4. Cope, Zak (December
2019). The Wealth of (Some) Nations: Imperialism and the Mechanics of Value Transfer (1st ed.). London: Pluto Press. ISBN 9780745338859.
5. Hilferding, Rudolf (July 2019). Finance Capital: A Study in the Latest Phase of Capitalist Development (new
ed.). London: Routledge. ISBN 9781136784859. See also edition 1981, Tom Bottomore Routledge & Kegan Paul.
6. Hobson, John A. (1902). Imperialism: a Study. New York: James Pott & Co. See text in Marxists.org website.
7. Vogler, Jan P. (2022). “Rivalry
and Empire: How Competition among European States Shaped Imperialism”. Journal of Historical Political Economy. 2 (2): 189–234. doi:10.1561/115.00000028. S2CID 251079470. SSRN 4099331.
8. Wallerstein, Immanuel (December 1984). The Politics of the
World-Economy: The States, the Movements and the Civilizations (Studies in Modern Capitalism) (1st ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521277600.
Photo credit: https://www.flickr.com/photos/128484499@N06/17199496791/’]