• Initially, Nixon’s organization and the White House quickly went to work to cover up the crime and any evidence that might have damaged the president and his reelection.

• The Nixon White House tapes revealed that he had conspired to cover up activities that took place after the break-in and had later tried to use federal officials to deflect
  attention from the investigation.

• After the five perpetrators were arrested, the press and the Justice Department connected the cash found on them at the time to the Committee for the Re-Election of the President.

• Legal action against Nixon Administration members[edit] On March 1, 1974, a grand jury in Washington, D.C., indicted several former aides of Nixon, who became known as the
  “Watergate Seven”—H.

• Relying heavily upon anonymous sources, Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein uncovered information suggesting that knowledge of the break-in, and attempts to cover
  it up, led deeply into the upper reaches of the Justice Department, FBI, CIA, and the White House.

• As people read the transcripts over the next couple of weeks, however, former supporters among the public, media and political community called for Nixon’s resignation or
  impeachment.

• [61] Butterfield said he was reluctant to answer, but finally admitted there was a new system in the White House that automatically recorded everything in the Oval Office,
  the Cabinet Room and others, as well as Nixon’s private office in the Old Executive Office Building.

• Nixon furthermore said, “I can say categorically that … no one in the White House staff, no one in this Administration, presently employed, was involved in this very bizarre
  incident.”

• On October 10, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein of The Washington Post reported that the FBI had determined that the Watergate break-in was part of a massive campaign of political
  spying and sabotage on behalf of the Nixon re-election committee.

• [46] On September 29, 1972, the press reported that John Mitchell, while serving as attorney general, controlled a secret Republican fund used to finance intelligence-gathering
  against the Democrats.

• [58] The President announced the resignations in an address to the American people: In one of the most difficult decisions of my Presidency, I accepted the resignations of
  two of my closest associates in the White House, Bob Haldeman, John Ehrlichman, two of the finest public servants it has been my privilege to know.

• Two months later, Mitchell approved a reduced version of the plan, including burglarizing the Democratic National Committee’s (DNC) headquarters at the Watergate Complex in
  Washington, D.C.—ostensibly to photograph campaign documents and install listening devices in telephones.

• Liddy was nominally in charge of the operation,[citation needed] but has since insisted that he was duped by both Dean and at least two of his subordinates, which included
  former CIA officers E. Howard Hunt and James McCord, the latter of whom was serving as then-CRP Security Coordinator after John Mitchell had by then resigned as attorney general to become the CRP chairman.

• Felt met secretly with Woodward several times, telling him of Howard Hunt’s involvement with the Watergate break-in, and that the White House staff regarded the stakes in
  Watergate as extremely high.

• Because Attorney General Kleindienst, though a distinguished public servant, my personal friend for 20 years, with no personal involvement whatsoever in this matter has been
  a close personal and professional associate of some of those who are involved in this case, he and I both felt that it was also necessary to name a new Attorney General.

• Witnesses testified that Nixon had approved plans to cover up his administration’s involvement in the break-in, and that there was a voice-activated taping system in the Oval
  Office.

• [citation needed] On May 11, McCord arranged for Baldwin, whom investigative reporter Jim Hougan described as “somehow special and perhaps well known to McCord,” to stay at
  the Howard Johnson’s motel across the street from the Watergate complex.

• On Monday, July 16, in front of a live, televised audience, chief minority counsel Fred Thompson asked Butterfield whether he was “aware of the installation of any listening
  devices in the Oval Office of the president”.

• The scandal stemmed from the Nixon administration’s continual attempts to cover up its involvement in the June 17, 1972, break-in of the Democratic National Committee headquarters
  at the Washington, D.C., Watergate Office Building.

• [59] On the same day, April 30, Nixon appointed a new attorney general, Elliot Richardson, and gave him authority to designate a special counsel for the Watergate investigation
  who would be independent of the regular Justice Department hierarchy.

• Nixon administration officials were concerned because Hunt and Liddy were also involved in a separate secret activity known as the “White House Plumbers”, which was established
  to stop security “leaks” and investigate other sensitive security matters.

• [60] On Friday, July 13, during a preliminary interview, deputy minority counsel Donald Sanders asked White House assistant Alexander Butterfield if there was any type of
  recording system in the White House.

• “Nixon’s conversations in late March and all of April 1973 revealed that not only did he know he needed to remove Haldeman, Ehrlichman, and Dean to gain distance from them,
  but he had to do so in a way that was least likely to incriminate him and his presidency.

• He fired White House Counsel John Dean, who went on to testify before the Senate Watergate Committee and said that he believed and suspected the conversations in the Oval
  Office were being taped.

• Chief among the Post’s anonymous sources was an individual whom Woodward and Bernstein had nicknamed Deep Throat; 33 years later, in 2005, the informant was identified as
  Mark Felt, deputy director of the FBI during that period of the 1970s, something Woodward later confirmed.

• During the critical meeting between Dean and Nixon on April 15, 1973, Dean was totally unaware of the president’s depth of knowledge and involvement in the Watergate cover-up.

• [42] Money trail[edit] On June 19, 1972, the press reported that one of the Watergate burglars was a Republican Party security aide.

• [50][1] After it was learned that one of the convicted burglars had written to Judge Sirica alleging a high-level cover-up, the media shifted its focus.

• John Mitchell was aware that Martha knew McCord, one of the Watergate burglars who had been arrested, and that upon finding out, she was likely to speak to the media.

• “[22] Kidnapping of Martha Mitchell[edit] Main article: Martha Mitchell § June 1972 kidnapping, aftermath and vindication Martha Mitchell was the wife of Nixon’s Attorney
  General, John N. Mitchell, who had recently resigned his role so that he could become campaign manager for Nixon’s Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CRP).

• Responding to the allegations of possible wrongdoing, in front of 400 Associated Press managing editors at Disney’s Contemporary Resort,[64][65] on November 17, 1973, Nixon
  emphatically stated, “Well, I am not a crook.

• With his complicity in the cover-up made public, and his political support completely eroded, Nixon resigned from office on August 9, 1974.

• A few days later, Nixon’s press secretary, Ron Ziegler, described the event as “a third-rate burglary attempt”.

• It is generally believed that, if he had not done so, he would have been impeached by the House and removed from office by a trial in the Senate.

• [54] Two days later, Dean told Nixon that he had been cooperating with the U.S. attorneys.

• Though Bork said he believed Nixon’s order was valid and appropriate, he considered resigning to avoid being “perceived as a man who did the President’s bidding to save my
  job”.

• [22] The hearings held by the Senate committee, in which Dean and other former administration officials testified, were broadcast from May 17 to August 7.

• This information became the bombshell that helped force Richard Nixon to resign rather than be impeached.

• [31] The Post would later report that the actual amount of cash was “[a]bout 53 of these $100 bills were found on the five men after they were arrested at the Watergate.

• Role of the media[edit] The connection between the break-in and the re-election committee was highlighted by media coverage—in particular, investigative coverage by The Washington
  Post, Time, and The New York Times.

• [citation needed] Eventually the committee replaced Baldwin with another security man.

• [24] McCord testified that he selected Baldwin’s name from a registry published by the FBI’s Society of Former Special Agents to work for the Committee to Re-elect President
  Nixon.

• Dean later testified that top Nixon aide John Ehrlichman ordered him to “deep six” the contents of Howard Hunt’s White House safe.

• [39] Mitchell reported that, during the week following the Watergate burglary, she had been held captive in a hotel in California, and that security guard Steve King ended
  her call to Thomas by pulling the phone cord from the wall.

• Dean wanted to protect the president and have his four closest men take the fall for telling the truth.

• According to Time magazine, the Republican Party leaders in the Western U.S. felt that while there remained a significant number of Nixon loyalists in the party, the majority
  believed that Nixon should step down as quickly as possible.

• [57] Writing from prison for New West and New York magazines in 1977, Ehrlichman claimed Nixon had offered him a large sum of money, which he declined.

• Despite these revelations, Nixon’s campaign was never seriously jeopardized; on November 7, the President was re-elected in one of the biggest landslides in American political
  history.

• Haldeman had made payments from the secret fund, newspapers like the Chicago Tribune and the Philadelphia Inquirer failed to publish the information, but did publish the White
  House’s denial of the story the following day.

• “[74] This newspaper continued that, while the transcripts may not have revealed an indictable offense, they showed Nixon contemptuous of the United States, its institutions,
  and its people.

• [50] The White House also sought to isolate the Post’s coverage by tirelessly attacking that newspaper while declining to criticize other damaging stories about the scandal
  from the New York Times and Time magazine.

• Prior to resigning from the FBI on June 22, 1973, Felt also anonymously planted leaks about Watergate with Time magazine, The Washington Daily News and other publications.

• [14] The metonym Watergate came to encompass an array of clandestine and often illegal activities undertaken by members of the Nixon administration, including bugging the
  offices of political opponents and people of whom Nixon or his officials were suspicious; ordering investigations of activist groups and political figures; and using the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Central Intelligence Agency, and
  the Internal Revenue Service as political weapons.

• In the end, Dean and the FBI’s Acting Director L. Patrick Gray (in separate operations) destroyed the evidence from Hunt’s safe.

• [1][49] Nixon said in a May 1974 interview with supporter Baruch Korff that if he had followed the liberal policies that he thought the media preferred, “Watergate would have
  been a blip.

• At the request of Nixon’s White House in 1969, the FBI tapped the phones of five reporters.

• Nixon’s search for someone in the Justice Department willing to fire Cox ended with Solicitor General Robert Bork.

• [35] Cover-up and its unraveling Initial cover-up[edit] Address book of Watergate burglar Bernard Barker, discovered in a room at the Watergate Hotel, June 18, 1972 Within
  hours of the burglars’ arrests, the FBI discovered E. Howard Hunt’s name in Barker and Martínez’s address books.

• [1][2] Further investigations, along with revelations during subsequent trials of the burglars, led the House of Representatives to grant the U.S. House Judiciary Committee
  additional investigative authority—to probe into “certain matters within its jurisdiction”,[3][4] and led the Senate to create the U.S. Senate Watergate Committee, which held hearings.

• Nixon’s own reaction to the break-in, at least initially, was one of skepticism.

• Felt warned Woodward that the FBI wanted to know where he and other reporters were getting their information, as they were uncovering a wider web of crimes than the FBI first
  disclosed.

• Urged by Nixon, on March 28, aide John Ehrlichman told Attorney General Richard Kleindienst that nobody in the White House had had prior knowledge of the burglary.

• [22] Senate Watergate hearings and revelation of the Watergate tapes[edit] Main article: Nixon White House tapes See also: United States Senate Watergate Committee and G.
  Bradford Cook Minority counsel Fred Thompson, ranking member Howard Baker, and chair Sam Ervin of the Senate Watergate Committee in 1973 On February 7, 1973, the United States Senate voted 77-to-0 to approve 93 S.Res.

• There were 69 people indicted and 48 people—many of them top Nixon administration officials—convicted.

• As evidence, he cited a conversation taped on June 23 between the President and his chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman, in which Nixon asked, “Who was the asshole that did that?

• “[70] The Senate Republican Leader Hugh Scott said the transcripts revealed a “deplorable, disgusting, shabby, and immoral” performance on the part of the President and his
  former aides.

• In an attempt to make them talk, Sirica gave Hunt and two burglars provisional sentences of up to 40 years.

• Nixon created a new conspiracy—to effect a cover-up of the cover-up—which began in late March 1973 and became fully formed in May and June 1973, operating until his presidency
  ended on August 9, 1974.

• [43] Former attorney general John Mitchell, who was then the head of the Committee to Re-elect the President (CRP), denied any involvement with the Watergate break-in.

• [71] The House Republican Leader John Jacob Rhodes agreed with Scott, and Rhodes recommended that if Nixon’s position continued to deteriorate, he “ought to consider resigning
  as a possible option”.

 

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